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Ethiopia’s Land is not a Saleable Social Product

Adal Isaw

adalisaw@yahoo.com

February 21, 2008


The creation of property and the kind of ownership right that should be ascribed to it, is one of the many pressing political, economic, and social issue that Ethiopia is facing today. This issue compels the government to be involved to a greater or lesser extent, to arbitrate and resolve claims of ownership in manners that incorporates its economic policy and the democratic system of governance it is espousing. Land is an example of such political, economic, and social issue that induces a lively discourse and counter discourse among those who have differing ideological perspective. Those who advocate to scrap the present land policy of EPRDF, tirelessly argue by highlighting the right that an individual posses for ownership, convinced that land is meant to be sold and held solely as private property. In contrast, those who adhere to the current day land policy, passionately contend that land is not of the property kind that can be categorized as that which can be created and produced much like any other property.

By virtue of being naturally immune from becoming a social product that one invests or works to create, land in Ethiopia is in its own singular class of an absolute social property. Land is also a natural given to all those who happen to reside on it, and from which the complete necessities of what life demands can be produced to benefit the great many of them. The whole point here is that land is not a social product and cannot be claimed as an absolute property. In fact, even those social products that have clear rightful owners cannot for that matter be claimed as an absolute property, by those who happen to invest and work on them, and here is the reason why.

Consider a hermit inventor working alone in his garage without any assistance, on a project to invent a highly sophisticated braking system for a fast car. Can you imagine this inventor to be unaware of the vast quantity of social knowledge on a brake system for fast cars? Of course not. This hermit inventor would have had no clue as to how to go about creating a new braking system, had it not for all the accumulated social knowledge that he had received in the first place. Even what this hermit inventor discovers is, therefore, not a private creation. It is, in a fundamental sense a social product, and any absolute claim of ownership on the new braking system by the hermit inventor is thus groundless, making the idea of self-contained, atomized and hermit individuals creating property out of themselves, unconnected and unindebted to the greater society, quite absurd.

Nonetheless, an individual is perfectly with his own natural right, to have his own resident and all of the property that may help to enhance his own way of life. However, at issue is whether an individual is entitled to hold land in absolute term as his own private property for use as he deems it proper, and also whether EPRDF’s categorization of land as an absolute social property is an undesirable regulation that has to be changed, for the sake of an assumed efficiency of production and investment incentive.

By in large, opponents of EPRDF land policy argue that decategorization of property engenders efficiency of production and investment incentive, thereby creating wealth and better life. Not quite, adherent to the current day land policy counter argue-quoting the lesson that history taught those who are endowed with the responsibility of coining a land policy, that when property rights in relation to land ownership are unrestrained, an economic inequality of the highest order emerges-creating the greater possible divide between the haves and the have-nots. The lesson in Kenya, South Africa, Colombia, Brazil, Jamaica, needless to say sums up the whole argument against the scraping of the present day land policy of Ethiopia.

What then is the motive for those who advocate to scrap the current day land policy of EPRDF? In a way, what exactly is the ideological perspective of those who would like to put land in the hand of an individual in absolute terms, unrestricted by any regulation? Or, simply put, what is being asked by those who want to do away with the current EPRDF land policy?

What is being asked by those who are opposing the current day land policy of Ethiopia is not something short of the absolute right of an individual to own land and use it solely for any purpose he deems it proper. Their ideological claim is in line with what is termed as market-oriented land reform that the developed world is pressing on the so called third world countries such as ours-through Structural Adjustment Program. The implementation of the Structural Adjustment Program and market liberalization policies means the privatization of communal lands of the indigenous peoples. Central to this market oriented land reform are, one, the abolishment of cooperatives by way of de collectivizing production, two, the lifting of restriction on land sale to outsiders, and three, the abolishing of protective measures against the eviction of the indigenous peoples; all of these, in the name of production efficiency and investment incentives.

Consider an American multinational corporation with a trillion-dollar capital at its disposal for investment: This corporation hopes to purchase massive land from Ethiopia for multifaceted purpose. In fact, the corporation had inquired last year to buy and hold the massive virgin land of Sidamo, had EPRDF agreed to its inquiry. Disappointed, the corporation is using every arsenal there is, including CUD and HR2003, to change the current day land policy of EPRDF. Had the corporation succeeded in its endeavor, it would have exported coffee, explored for natural resources, employed the Sidamo indigenous peoples for bare minimum, and would have sold their own water back to them at a price they can barely afford, and evict them if they rise to resist-merely because it holds their land as its own private property in exchange for perishable amounts of dollars it handed to their government by way of market-oriented land reform. This is the least of all the dangers that the Ethiopian peoples will face, if land is to be sold and acquired in absolute terms to be used privately.

As a result of having been able to protect our beloved country from the crushing jaws of European colonizers, our ancestors have managed to hand us our land with unadulterated communal ownership. Had they failed, we would have found ourselves in the mist of intricate claim and counter claim of ownership of our own land with those who happen to have the imperial paper work for it. What our ancestors paid in full with their blood should not be lost in the name of production efficiency and investment incentive-both of which that we’re achieving as we speak, without compromising our whole livelihood. It’s therefore to the best interest of the Ethiopian peoples, that the land of Ethiopia should not be allowed and considered to be a social product, saleable to the best bidder for absolute private ownership. Remember, to own land privately in absolute term amounts to owning those whose life is dependent on it.

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